Quality Go Time
July 22nd, 1986
It was 3:00 AM on the morning after Tommy Lynn Denley and his “bankers” were originally scheduled to arrive in Suriname, when the quiet of Stolkertsijver was shattered.1 The Surinamese Interior War had begun. Twelve soldiers, eyes barely open, guarding a sleepy checkpoint when suddenly, out of the darkness, the Jungle Commando, led by the Black Robin Hood himself, swooped in.
These weren’t just any intruders; they were prepared, armed with intel and bold enough to use a stolen government truck to storm the military post. Chaos erupted as they overpowered the soldiers and helped themselves to weapons and ammo. It was like one of those American action movies playing at Bellevue theater in Paramaribo, only this was terrifyingly real.2
Stolkertsijver, usually just a dot on the map about 50 kilometers east of our home in Paramaribo, on the road to Albina, found itself at the epicenter of an emerging national crisis. This little village and the military post, set up after the 1980 coup as a simple checkpoint, suddenly became the stage for what looked like a full-blown invasion.
Authorities had been on edge, suspecting that attacks might spring from French Guiana, just downriver from Albina. And here they were, the first moves of what they feared—a "counter-revolutionary attack."
After snatching the soldiers, the Jungle Commando didn’t just fade into the night. No, they pushed another 100 kilometers to Albina, aiming to storm the “Akontoe Velantiekazeme,” a military installation of the Surinamese National Army, bristling now with about 150 soldiers thanks to reinforcements. But the small army wasn’t going to let them through without a fight. A three-hour shootout ensued, bullets flying, the early morning air filled with the sound of automatic rifles—the very rifles they’d just stolen.
As dawn broke, the attackers pulled back, disappearing as mysteriously as they had arrived. Had their reinforcements failed to arrive? In the aftermath, no fatalities at the checkpoint were reported, only a few injuries in Albina and a trail of blood hinting at wounded attackers. Ronnie Brunswijk, the man believed to be pulling the strings, was already notorious. A former bodyguard turned Robin Hood—or villain, depending on whom you asked—he was stirring things up, disrupting food supplies meant for soldiers and claiming it was all to help the poor.
With the region now on high alert, the military police under First Lieutenant Ruben Lew Yen Tai ramped up security. Checkpoints mushroomed, scrutinizing every vehicle for weapons and suspects, while the police interrogated countless individuals, though most were sent home. Still, a few remained detained, suspected of knowing more about the insurgents’ plans.
Back in the Netherlands, Andre Haakmat claimed that during the July 23rd raid on two Surinamese barracks, Brunswijk’s resistance group not only seized the military's communications installation but also absconded with the military codes. This breach potentially informed Brunswijk about the movements of Bouterse’s forces.
For his part, Bouterse claimed the attacks on two military posts in the eastern Marowijne district were part of a failed invasion that was to center on Zanderij airport, located 29 miles from the capital.3 Twelve soldiers were still being held hostage, however, one of the captured soldiers, Reginald Geysvliet, managed to escape. During his captivity, he reportedly learned that Brunswijk was not the actual leader of the insurgency; instead, it was orchestrated by “foreign whites” who were merely using Brunswijk as a figurehead.456 Dutch papers, claiming sources inside the Surinamese resistance, claimed that the American aluminum giant ALCOA was behind the coup—a claim they vehemently denied.7
The entire attack shared eerie similarities two one laid out in the Iran Contra Hearings, when Joseph Coors and William O’Boyle were interviewed. They mentioned plans in Nicaragua to have the contras seize control of the portion of the country and then the US would recognize that government as the official government. It appeared as if a similar gameplan was underway in Suriname. 8
July 28nd, 1986
The damp New Orleans air hung heavy with anticipation and unease on that pivotal summer evening at the Louis Armstrong International Airport. Four months prior, President Reagan had graced these very grounds when flying in for a fundraiser, but tonight, a far more clandestine operation was unfolding a short seven minute drive away.
A suitcase, innocuous in appearance but stuffed with bandoliers of bullets and rifle shells, was bound for a Delta Air Lines flight, addressed to a 'Joe Martinez'—a pseudonym used by the "international banker," Hector Tellez. Mailed by Jim Gentile, this crucial package was meant to arm mercenaries for a covert mission to Suriname. But fate intervened as a routine X-ray revealed the suitcase's true contents. With the shipper unreachable, the bag was handed back to the unsuspecting courier, casting an ominous shadow over the nascent invasion.9
At 9:00 P.M., Danny Marchand, battling waves of nausea, touched down in New Orleans after a connecting flight from Memphis. A nondescript shuttle van awaited him, ferrying him mere blocks away to the heart of the operation's new headquarters – the Quality Inn in Kenner.10 Its ordinary facade of brick walls and red shakes, crowned by a steeply pitched roof, belied the intense strategizing unfolding within. Grey shingles smudged into the evening sky, as the half-filled parking lot played host to chefs dealing cocaine out the back door of a neighboring restaurant
The lobby was a study in contrasts – on the hottest week of the year, with temperatures topping out at 100°F, the air conditioning provided a temporary respite from the sweltering Louisiana heat, yet the tense atmosphere hung heavy. Most of the covert action was hidden away as Danny stumbled in, his body betraying the stress of illness and the high-stakes situation. The clerk, oblivious to the clandestine operations unfolding, instructed him to proceed straight to his room, followed by a check-in next door when he’d settled in. The advice was offered with a friendly but vacant smile.
Danny navigated the dimly lit corridors, the low ceilings amplifying the muffled sounds of intense discussion leaking from behind closed doors of the "Plantation" conference room – a testament to the gravity of the plans being hatched. As he ascended the flight of stairs to the second floor, he caught glimpses of the central courtyard with its faux rock veneer walls enclosing the inviting pool where moonlight reflected, and a fleur-de-lis fountain stood sentinel.
Finally reaching his room, which overlooked the lush greenery and wrought-iron balconies, Danny allowed himself a moment to collect his thoughts. The covert mission they were embarking on was a far cry from the war games back home, and the ordinary facade of the Quality Inn provided an eerie contrast, masking the extraordinary events taking shape within its walls.
With his last remaining energy, he knocked on the next door and introduced himself to a slight redhead leaning on a cane. She introduced herself as Barbara and invited him in. Shortly thereafter, a courtesy knock was followed by the arrival of a balding man in his forties who let himself in. Danny recognized him immediately, offering a wry smile. It was Fred Rich, they'd not seen each other since Danny visited his camp earlier in the year. Fred was followed by a few others who briefly appeared at the door, updating them that Tom Denley was locked in discussions with the investors and men supplying the planes. Unbeknownst to all, they were FBI and Customs agents McGovern and Dunbar.11
Ten days prior to Danny, Fred, and the rest of the mercenaries converging at the Quality Inn, a joint federal task force between the FBI and U.S. Customs had been formed. This action was prompted by Special Agent Charles R. Calhoon of the New Orleans FBI office, who called an investigator at U.S. Customs to advise that their ongoing probe into Hector Tellez's activities in Chicago had led them to Tommy Lynn Denley.12
Through covert conversations with various mercenary operatives, the federal agents identified rooms 202, 216, 220, 221, 227, 228, 229, 332, and 342 at the Quality Inn - Airport Hotel in Kenner as a block reserved under the name of Tommy's North American Marine company. With meticulous preparation, they proceeded to plant hidden recording devices in those rooms, anticipating the imminent arrival of the mercenary forces.
As the mercs began filtering in, the undercover agents vigilantly took a mental headcount, noting the conspicuous absence of Captain John Ambelli. Denley quickly assuaged their concerns, assuring them that for security purposes, Ambelli would be responsible for picking up 400-500 Miskito Indian support troops by boat from Honduras and would arrive a few days after the successful overthrow of the Surinamese government. Additionally, Ambelli would captain the escape boat, ensuring a contingency plan in case the operation needed to be aborted.13
During the tense meeting, Denley assumed a leadership role, recapping the earlier plans he had outlined to Agent McGovern for the assembled room. The crux of their strategy was for Denley and his security detail to capture Prime Minister Pretaapnarian Radhakishun, the powerful Desi Bouterse, and the president of the Central Bank. Once in their custody, they would force Bouterse to summon other government officials to his office, where they would be taken hostage or, if necessary, eliminated.14
Concurrently, Team One would seize control of the hotel where they would be staying in Suriname, armed with an M60 machine gun, AK and H&K rifles, and Uzi submachine guns, ensuring adequate protection in case the takeover unraveled. Denley elaborated on the two additional combat teams he had assembled for the operation, informing Agent McGovern that they would be equipped with M60 machine guns, Uzis, and other sidearms. Denley stated that the machine guns would be disassembled, concealed in suitcases, and brought aboard the plane Agent McGovern had secured for their transportation.
Throughout these meetings, which extended late into the night until Sunday, Agents McGovern and Dunbar repeatedly stressed the blatant illegality of the group's plans, looking for confirmation, on tape, that would hold up in a court of law. However, despite – or perhaps because of – these warnings, the mercenaries' resolve only seemed to solidify, welcoming the challenge and the inherent risks with a sense of grim determination.15
By 11:00 pm, a queasy Danny returned to his room, fully exhausted and debriefed. From what he could gather their cover was ostensibly to enter Suriname as bankers to scope out private banking opportunities, while others, inland, pretended to charter the country’s riverways for commercial expansion – both flimsy veils concealing their true objective of overthrowing the Surinamese government.
The following Monday morning at dawn, a ragtag band 13 mercenaries and 12 undercover special agents began filtering into the lobby of the Quality Inn for coffee and a continental breakfast. Some members of the "security detail" for the "bankers" donned suits, but their shabby appearance and unkempt beards did little to lend credibility to their disguise. Fred Rich sported a blue three-piece suit and black combat boots while chatting with members of the group.
Barbara Johnson could be seen making her way to her table, aided by her cane. Her son, Michael, was away for the week at a church youth group meeting. She had packed a Bible for Tommy, hoping it would bring him luck and protection. Tommy, meanwhile, was busy coordinating last-minute logistics, checking and double-checking maps, counter-insurgency manuals, ammunition, and contracts.
Outside, a nondescript van was parked not far from a nearby steak joint that shared the parking lot at the corner of Veterans and Williams Blvd. Hector Tellez casually tossed a blue small duffel bag marked "BLUE ISLAND FITNESS CENTER," which landed atop a black nylon backpack labeled "OZARK TRAILS." A limousine pulled into the parking lot to chauffeur Tommy to the airport. He'd be riding separately from the rest of the men, a decision that left Danny, still feeling the effects of his illness, wondering about the logic behind it. Was Tommy trying to look official—like a banker? Or was he simply drawing unwanted attention to their operation?
"Alright, team, gear up and move out! We're rolling to the airport in five. Load up, and let's go—no time to waste!" Tommy barked.
The following mercenaries loaded up into the van one by one:
Homer Phillips, Jr. (a.k.a "Animal")
Steve Larry Green
Raymond "Ray" Dean Livingston (a 25-year-old former member of the Coast Guard who worked at Louisiana Office Products)
Hector Javier Tellez
Roger Carl McGrady (a 36-year-old Vietnam vet who lived in Sacramento, California, working erecting telephone towers until becoming unemployed in October)
Barbara Jean Johnson
Daniel "Danny" Lee Marchand
James "Jamie" William Bright (aka "Callahan")
Don Merl Morton
Fred Leroy Rich
Vanus "Doc" Livingston
Once situated, the van, driven by undercover customs agents, exited the parking lot onto Veterans Blvd for the 80-mile ride to the Hammond airport in Hammond, Louisiana, where a DC-3 chartered by federal agents awaited their attempted overthrow.
Tom Denley would be the first nabbed as a part of the sting operation. He departed the hotel in the limo with U.S. Customs Special Agents Harold McGovern, Jim Baker, and Chris Wigginton, posing as investors. Shortly after departure, and out of sight of the van, Tom Denley received $25,000 in cash from a U.S. Customs Special Agent, intended to fund the operation to overthrow Suriname. The act violated the Currency Act by trying to illegally remove more then $10,000 from the country. Shortly thereafter, he was arrested by United States Customs Agents Harold McGovern, Jim Baker, and Chris Wigginton.
When the van finally arrived at the edge of the airstrip in Hammond, LA, and the mercenary team exited and approached a hangar to board their plane, the doors opened to reveal three SWAT teams, about 20 agents, with weapons pointed at them. Shouts of "Hands up! FBI! Show me your hands!" rang out as shotguns leveled themselves at the men.1617
Wed, Jul 30, 1986
The bust was the culmination of months of undercover work, surveillance, and meticulous planning. With the mercenaries in custody, the authorities wasted no time showcasing the fruits of their labor. On a humid New Orleans afternoon, the regional commissioner of U.S. Customs, Robert Grimes, stood before a sea of flashing cameras and eager journalists.
In the photograph captured that day, Grimes cuts a striking figure. His graying hair and stern expression underscored the gravity of the situation. Flanked by dual American flags, he held an assault rifle with the confident grip of a man who knew the weight of his duty. Behind him, the emblem of the U.S. Customs Service served as a solemn reminder of the law enforcement body's dedication to protecting the nation.
The vans used in the operation were laden with an assortment of firearms. Spread out on the table before Grimes was a chilling display of the confiscated weapons: 13 handguns—11 of which were semi-automatic, 3 automatic pistols of foreign manufacture, 2 automatic rifles of foreign manufacture, 2 automatic shotguns, and hundreds of rounds of ammunition.
"Two riot shotguns, two 9mm machine pistols, a Korean Daewoo semi-automatic rifle, 13 revolvers and automatic handguns, commando blackface, as well as thousands of rounds of ammunition and a book titled 'Ambush and Counter-Ambush' adapted from an Australian military manual," Grimes detailed.18
FBI agent Clifford Anderson added context to the operation, stating, “We’re making a point not to say anything that would characterize these guys with a label or philosophical bent. They are from all over the country. They are almost all from small towns.”
“These guys were looking for some excitement,” Anderson continued. “Magazine soldiers…they’re the kinds of guys who say, ‘All I’ve got to do is pull this off once and then I’m set.’”
Grimes began the press conference with a measured tone, his voice steady and authoritative. He detailed the elaborate sting operation that had led to the capture of the mercenaries, highlighting the coordination between the FBI, U.S. Customs, and other federal agencies. The journalists scribbled furiously, capturing every word as Grimes described the intended coup in Suriname and the roles each of the arrested men had played in the conspiracy.
Some defendants claimed they believed they were going to Suriname to guard the “bankers,” while others thought they were carrying food and needed supplies to hungry people. Despite these assertions, the reality of their intentions was starkly evident from the arsenal displayed. “This operation was a testament to the power of collaboration and the relentless pursuit of justice,” Grimes stated, his eyes scanning the room. "Today, we have prevented a tragedy and ensured that these dangerous individuals will face the full weight of the law.”
19
The room buzzed with questions as reporters vied for Grimes' attention. He answered each query with the precision of a seasoned law enforcement officer, providing insights into the complex web of deceit and subterfuge that had been unraveled. The photograph of him standing resolute amidst the confiscated arsenal became an iconic image of the operation's success.1
Bouterse also issued a press conference in response. He claimed to have arrested Juan Brinkmann, a well-known figure in international banking circles who was supposed to be a contact for the mercenaries. He was convinced the Denley group was connected to Brunswijk’s attack, although all parties—the Americans, Dutch, ANSUS, and the Council for the Liberation of Suriname—denied it. As evidence of Dutch support, he pointed to the fact that they gave Amsterdam lawyer André Haakmat the opportunity to make attacks on Suriname via state radio.2021
According to Prosecutor John Volz, who interviewed Tommy Lynn Denley, the mastermind of Operation Suriname divulged secrets of his own. He claimed he was supported by American senators, Dutch authorities, former and retired members of the CIA, the U.S. Customs Service and the ANSUS Foundation, a corporation based in Amsterdam.22 An almost throwaway comment in Dutch newspapers stated, “It was confirmed nor denied” in The Hague that the American justice department had been tipped off about the mercenary action by the Homeland Security Service. The Ministry of the Interior did not want to make any further announcements.2324
As the press conferences drew to a close, it appeared that the curtain had fallen on this chapter of the saga of Operation Suriname. But then, we remember that Denley stated he had been in constant contact with his 30 men and three invasion teams involved in the operation. Only Denley and 12 mercenaries were arrested in New Orleans. Where were the other 18 men? And how do we account for the “foreign whites” who were allegedly backing Ronnie Brunswijk and his Jungle Commandos?
July 30th, 1986
Mercenary Carl Finch, who wrote under the pseudonym Karl Penta in his memoirs and articles for Soldier of Fortune, boarded a flight with George Baker of the ANSUS Foundation. Together with other mercenaries, they flew from Amsterdam to Paris, en route to French Guiana. George showed them the islands where they would be fighting alongside the Jungle Commandos. One of those islands was home to my best friend, Matt, and his family.25 26
Finch pressed George for more details, "How many troops do they have? What weapons does the enemy have? How much equipment have they got?" George didn’t know much. He’d never even met any of the guerrillas. Tommy had been the logistics man. All George knew was that everything had gone to hell, and Ronnie Brunswijk was their only hope. If they had any shot at winning Suriname back from the clutches of Desi Bouterse, it was going to require jungle warfare.
Tommy had claimed his invasion was supposed to be a night attack, so Ronnie’s attack and the date cooincides with his original plan.
Digibron.nl. “Digibron.Nl, Leger Suriname Zoekt Gijzelaars,” 19860726. https://www.digibron.nl/viewer/collectie/Digibron/id/tag:RD.nl,19860726:newsml_02408c77d71f20c8befc27ebdb7cf197.
The Washington Time. “Coup plotters claim ties to senators, Dutch.” July 30, 1986. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP90B01390R000500670026-4.pdf
“SURINAME - NOTES FROM DUTCH EMBASSY | CIA FOIA (Foia.Cia.Gov).” Accessed July 15, 2023. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp91b00874r000200200006-3.
Leidse Courant. “„Bevrijdingsraad Suriname Zit Achter Operaties Brunswijk".” September 8, 1986. Historische Kranten, Erfgoed Leiden en Omstreken. https://leiden.courant.nu/issue/LLC/1986-09-08/edition/0/page/4.
Digibron.nl. “Digibron.Nl, Leger Suriname Zoekt Gijzelaars,” 19860726. https://www.digibron.nl/viewer/collectie/Digibron/id/tag:RD.nl,19860726:newsml_02408c77d71f20c8befc27ebdb7cf197
Leidsch Dagblad. “Surinaams Verzet Beweert: ‘Coupplan Si Gefinancierd Door Alcoa.’” July 31, 1986. Historische Kranten, Erfgoed Leiden en Omstreken. https://leiden.courant.nu/issue/LD/1986-07-31/edition/0/page/1.
William B. Lytton III to Arthur B. Culvahouse, Jr., "Testimony of Ellen Garwood, William O'Boyle and Joseph Coors, May 21, 1987 (Morning Session)," memorandum, May 21, 1987, p. 2, in File: "Iran-Contra Hearings – June [May 1987–November 1987]," Howard Baker's Subject Files, 1987–1988, Collection RR-0059, National Archives Catalog, NAID 66330288, accessed [date of access], https://catalog.archives.gov/id/66330288.
“A NICE GUY OR A REBEL FOR HIRE?” Accessed June 25, 2023. https://www.chicagotribune.com/news/ct-xpm-1986-08-07-8602260756-story.html.
Later became a Park Plaza Inn, a Econo Lodge, and a Red Roof Inn.
United States District Court, Eastern District of Louisiana, John Volz, Lance M. Africk, and Fred P. Harper. Second Superseding Indictment for Conspiracy, Violation of the Neutrality Act, and Violation of the Currency Act, No. No. 86-355 (United States District Court, Eastern District of Louisiana September 4, 1986).
Jung, Warren B. “Affidavit for Search Warrant, United States of America vs. 7110 East Laverne Street, New Orleans, Louisiana.” U.S. District Court, Eastern District of Louisiana, July 28, 1986. Archives of the Ft. Worth National Archives, Ft. Worth, Texas. https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/f2tl51djwv0uyq89jw5g1/Affidavit-for-Search-Warrant.pdf?rlkey=ab1xdgtlzsgorxzxhlceybg6i&st=63civ1h1&dl=0.
Elsewhere Tommy said the support troops, from Nicaragua, would arrive in a C 140 airplane. Aguacate in Honduras, played a notable role in the context of U.S. covert operations in Central America during the 1980s, particularly in relation to the Iran-Contra affair and broader efforts to support anti-Sandinista forces in Nicaragua. Aguacate airstrip was part of a clandestine network used by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and other elements of the U.S. government to facilitate various covert activities, including but not limited to logistical support for the Contras. The airstrip was upgraded and used by the CIA to support covert operations. It featured facilities for training Contra fighters, as well as for the maintenance and storage of military supplies and equipment. Aircraft used for transporting arms and supplies to the Contras would often originate from or transit through Aguacate.They would fly out and land at Homestead Airforce Base in Florida.
Dew, Edward M. The Trouble in Suriname, 1975-1993. Westport, Conn. : Praeger, 1994. 123. http://archive.org/details/troubleinsurinam0000dewe.
“A NICE GUY OR A REBEL FOR HIRE?” Accessed June 25, 2023. https://www.chicagotribune.com/news/ct-xpm-1986-08-07-8602260756-story.html
Metro News. “Attempt to Overthrow Surinam Govt. Failed.” August 2, 1986.
The Morning News. “Plan Was to Take over Suriname.” August 3, 1986. https://www.newspapers.com/article/the-morning-news-plan-was-to-take-over-s/139650122/
Kennedy, J. Michael. “Scheme Called ’Bayou of Pigs II’ : Agents Thwart Unlikely Suriname Plot.” Los Angeles Times, July 30, 1986. https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1986-07-30-mn-18780-story.html.
Evansville Press. “Suriname Coup.” November 6, 1986. https://www.newspapers.com/article/evansville-press-suriname-coup/127082162/
Leidsch Dagblad. “Bouterse Zeker van Contacten Met Brunswijk Hurrlingen Als ‘Bankiers.’” July 30, 1986. Historische Kranten, Erfgoed Leiden en Omstreken. https://leiden.courant.nu/issue/LD/1986-07-30/edition/0/page/13.
Leidsch Dagblad. “Den Haag Ontkent Steun Aan Coupplan in Suriname ’Geen Sprake van Opdracht®.” July 29, 1986. Historische Kranten, Erfgoed Leiden en Omstreken. https://leiden.courant.nu/issue/LD/1986-07-29/edition/0/page/1.
Federal Bureau of Investigation. “Series 3: FOIA Request No. 1632770: Tommy Lynn Denley.” Information Management Division, Federal Bureau of Investigation, May 22, 2024. https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/mcwfzd7obb38wbof213hn/Section-3.pdf?rlkey=1zy9hahj7041owbgj98hm8k0t&st=jp4v1v9j&dl=0.
Leidsch Dagblad. “Proces Tegen Huurlingen Suriname Op 22 September.” August 1, 1986. Historische Kranten, Erfgoed Leiden en Omstreken. https://leiden.courant.nu/issue/LD/1986-08-01/edition/0/page/7.
Leidsch Dagblad. “Bouterse Zeker van Contacten Met Brunswijk Hurrlingen Als ‘Bankiers.’” July 30, 1986. Historische Kranten, Erfgoed Leiden en Omstreken. https://leiden.courant.nu/issue/LD/1986-07-30/edition/0/page/13.
This timely is based on the fact that Karl mentions the FBI arrests happening, him questioning George Baker, and then they fly out of Amsterdam “in two days.”
Penta, Karl. A Mercenary’s Tale. London : John Blake, 2002. 14. http://archive.org/details/mercenarystale0000pent.