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Chapter Synopsis:
Mom writes letters home from Suriname claiming to work at the embassy, but upon returning home, she can’t remember ever working there.
The ambassador to Suriname was a protégé of the president of the Rockefeller Foundation and a founding member of the Council on Foreign Relations—both men advocated for coups of communist regimes.
The meaning of ANSUS gets reexamined with the of discover of an ANZUS.
An embassy employee relocates to the Netherlands as the coup takes shape.
When my mom started dishing her conspiracy tea in the early 90s, she wasn’t sure who the bad guys were or what kind of jiggery-pokery they were up to. Her memories were a collection of hints and shadows. She’d spend hours on Alta Vista, scouring online message boards looking for clues where Christian authors like Texe Marrs and Pat Robertson offered up their ideas. Robertson’s 1991 New York Times Best Seller 'The New World Order,' begins by examining the August Coup in the Soviet Union, a critical event where hardline members of the government attempted to overthrow President Mikhail Gorbachev, suggesting it as a strategic play to preserve Communist power and advance a globalist agenda for a one-world government.
The usual suspects in these conspiracy narratives were New Agers, communists, deistic Freemasons, or international bankers—often slipping into anti-Semitic rants about “the Jews.” But one group they never pointed the finger at was Evangelical Christians, like themselves. Even if someone had suggested such a thing, no evidence, no matter how convincing, would have swayed us. You see, whenever a supposed believer turned out to be a charlatan, we’d pull the escape hatch: they were never truly one of us; they were Christians in name only.
The most difficult part in nailing down the truth wasn’t about finding facts; Mom had plenty of those. The real challenge was resisting the urge to stitch all those facts together with a single conspiratorial thread that merely affirmed what you already believed to be true. Instead, it was about withholding judgment until all the facts were presented, letting the story speak for itself.
When we lived in Suriname, mom would write home to my Nana and Grandad in Western New York. She asked them to keep her letters as a sort of diary. According to these letters, she applied for a job at the embassy. My brother, who was 14 to 16 at the time and five years older than me, recently visited. When I asked him, he remembered going to the embassy to watch the news each week while mom worked there.
But here's the twist: mom doesn't remember working at the embassy at all.
I once asked my dad where mom spent her days. He said she used her counseling degree to help other missionaries, even his boss. But when pressed about where these sessions took place, he was unsure—whether it was from home, at the missionaries’ houses, or at the Summer Institute of Linguistics quarters, he couldn't say.
So, why would mom write home about working at the embassy but have no memory of it? What exactly was she doing there? Counseling, or perhaps something else? Who else was at the embassy, and were they somehow involved in the attempts to overthrow Suriname?
This is where it's hard not to tumble down the conspiracy rabbit hole, especially given mom's claims of government mind control experiments, torture, and unwitting drugging of victims. Next door, in Guyana, the deputy chief of the U.S. embassy—a CIA agent overseeing intelligence—was known to visit a Latter Rain preacher from my grandfather’s denomination, named Jim Jones, who led his followers in a mass suicide.1 And then there's the debacle that was Colonia Dignidad in Chile, another South American community founded by a Latter Rain follower, rife with abuse and torture.
But let's stick to Suriname and the embassy there. We know that Delta Forces considered invading Suriname in 1983 and had visited the embassy while finalizing their blueprints. There was also a Station Chief, a "cowboy" CIA agent, who clashed with the Ambassador over his rogue actions with a mole in Bouterse’s inner circle, Roy Horb. By 1986, new players had arrived, and given the context of Operation Suriname, they warrant a closer examination.
U.S. Embassy, Suriname (1986)
In 1985, before former Ambassador Robert Duemling left to head the Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office—which became a cover for Oliver North to smuggle weapons—he made a notable diplomatic gesture at the U.S. Embassy in Suriname. He invited Bouterse and his top officials to the Embassy’s July 4 celebration, an event typically reserved for diplomats and local government figures, with separate celebrations for the American community. Surprisingly, Bouterse, who usually skipped such receptions, accepted the invitation.
The reception featured the usual formalities like toasts and the playing of national anthems, but Duemling added a unique touch: the anthems were sung live by an American and a Canadian vocalist. Notably, the Surinamese anthem was performed in Sranan Tongo (Taki-Taki), a less commonly used official language. This thoughtful gesture moved Bouterse to tears, reflecting his deep nationalist sentiments and impressing him greatly.
Duemling's act of cultural sensitivity significantly improved relations between him and Bouterse. Despite their policy differences, which were openly discussed, Duemling believed in maintaining a warm rapport through such humanizing gestures. He stressed the importance of showing genuine care for the Surinamese people, avoiding actions that could alienate them.
A month later, at a formal reception and dinner hosted by the President of Suriname in Duemling's honor, he was unexpectedly awarded the highest decoration the Surinamese government can bestow on a foreigner—a recognition never before given to a diplomat. The President privately explained that this honor was in recognition of Duemling's exceptional handling of the challenging diplomatic relations between the two nations.2
All of this would seem fine and dandy if you serve an administration solely focused on peace and diplomacy. But what if the outlook is more aggressive? What if there are rumors of plans more along the lines of an Operation Surname style intervention? In that case, as Elvis famously put it, you might be looking for, “A little less conversation, a little more action, please.”
President Reagan's nominee to replace Duemling, Robert E. Barbour, brought a rich history from his service beginning in 1949 as a clerk in Basra, Iraq. Over the years, he worked closely with prominent anti-communists like Dean Rusk and John Foster Dulles. Rusk, who served as Secretary of State under Kennedy and Johnson, supported American interventions to prevent the domino effect of nations falling to communism. His most controversial moment came when he advocated for the overthrow of Mao Zedong in China—a stance that cost him his position as Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, pushing him towards a role as President of the Rockefeller Foundation.
John Foster Dulles, on the other hand, along with his brother Allen, the CIA Director, were former home-schooled Presbyterian boys whose grandfather was a missionary to India. Raised with a staunch anti-communist mindset, Dulles, as Secretary of State, viewed the fight against communism in black and white terms: nations either stood with the forces of good or aligned with evil, with no moral middle ground. This made Suriname’s position amoral. His aggressive policy of brinksmanship and massive retaliation was designed to push adversaries to the brink of war, forcing them to back down to avoid actual conflict. This approach was evident in actions such as the CIA's involvement in the 1953 Iranian coup and the overthrow of Guatemala's democratically elected government in 1954.3
Ambassador Robert E. Barbour, although not a known CIA operative, was certainly intertwined with the agency's activities. During his tenure as Deputy Assistant Secretary for European Affairs, Barbour engaged with the CIA on multiple fronts. He delivered speeches at CIA Senior Seminars discussing U.S.-Western European relations and frequently appeared on circulation lists for CIA debriefings across Western Europe.45 His involvement with the CIA became even more apparent when he was named as a reference during Frank Carlucci's nomination for Deputy Director of Central Intelligence under President Carter.6
While these connections alone might not raise eyebrows—interaction with the CIA is somewhat expected in such diplomatic roles—they do gain significance considering the timing of other events. Around the period Barbour was appointed Ambassador to Suriname in July 1984, intriguing developments unfolded. Four months prior to his appointment, the Council for the Liberation of Suriname, following a failed coup attempt, claimed to be a CIA-backed entity funded by Langley.7 Just three weeks before Barbour's arrival in Suriname, Henk Chin A Sen delivered a speech on Freedom and Resistance in Amsterdam, and shortly after Barbour's arrival, George Baker of the ANSUS Foundation met with Chin A Sen to propose services aimed at overthrowing Bouterse.8
The connections deepen when considering Barbour's mentor, John Foster Dulles, and his earlier work. Post-World War II, Dulles explored ideas for a world government under the Federal Council of Churches, contributing to the foundations of what would become the United Nations and the new post-war international system. In the 1950s, Dulles was instrumental in forming the ANZUS treaty between Australia, New Zealand, and the US (A-NZ-US)—a pact that epitomized collective security with the principle, "you mess with one of us, you mess with us all."
As I dug into Barbour and Dulles this week, the names ANZUS and ANSUS kept ping-ponging around in my head. Dulles passed away in 1959, but his strategic thinking certainly didn't. Could ANSUS be a subtle nod to Dulles, maybe a secret pact involving the Netherlands, Suriname, and the United States (N-S-US)? We know that Bouterse insinuated as much. George Baker’s ties with the Surinamese Democratic Party, slots nicely into this puzzle, filling in the "S" part. But what about the missing "A"? Could it be Alcoa? Their name has popped up more than once as a stakeholder and potential backer eager to safeguard their interests. This scenario wouldn't be out of line with Dulles's style, weaving economic giants into geopolitical strategies to secure American clout overseas.
But the incident three years earlier with Ambassador Duemling, Roy Horb, and the "cowboy" CIA agent reminds us that not everyone in the embassy always agreed on the best diplomatic approach. Tensions and differing agendas could complicate the seemingly unified front presented by diplomatic missions. Perhaps a closer examination of the embassy's roster from that period could shed more light on the situation. Diving into who was stationed there and their backgrounds might reveal intersecting—or conflicting—interests and strategies, providing a clearer picture of the underlying dynamics at play.
Deputy Chief of Mission: T. Patrick Killough
Bio: T. Patrick Killough's extensive background in international relations was shaped by assignments across Asia and South America. His expertise in foreign policy and his academic endeavors, including his role as a diplomat-in-residence, highlight his deep commitment to fostering international understanding through education and diplomacy.
Defense Attaché: LTC Dragan Stefanovic, USA
Bio: Lieutenant Colonel Dragan Stefanovic's military career is marked by distinguished service in conflict zones such as the Dominican Republic, Vietnam and Greece. Post-military, his academic pursuits in political science have made him a respected educator and advisor, furthering his impact beyond military achievements.
Chief, Economic Section: Bruce Lloyd & Linda Newell Pearson
Bio: Bruce L. Pearson's diplomatic career involved significant contributions in economic and developmental roles. His background and familial ties suggest a deep understanding of both the complexities of international economics and the practical applications of economic policies in diplomatic settings. His wife, Linda, was lecturer at the University of Delaware and employed by the Dept. of Defense in Spain and Uruguay. The couple appeared to have gone by the pseudonyms Bruce Lloyd Pearson Wilkie and Linda Muller Rulf while serving as diplomats in Argentina.
Chief, Political Section: Harlan K. Cohen
Bio: Dr. Harlan K. Cohen brought an academic's rigor to the political affairs of the embassy. His scholarly work on European history at Columbia and Cambridge and his contributions to global governance provide a robust framework for his diplomatic endeavors, particularly in managing U.S. political interests in Suriname.
Chief, Administrative Section: Richard A. Garrison (post-November 1984)
Bio: Richard A. Garrison's career trajectory from the U.S. Navy to the foreign service illustrates a dedicated public service career. His military honors and subsequent roles in the State Department underscore his ability to transition skills across civilian and military domains.
Information Officer: William Van Rensalier Parker
Bio: William V. Parker's extensive career in the Foreign Service is complemented by his roles in strategic communication and public diplomacy. His expertise in national security and international affairs, along with his engagement in global business development, showcases a broad and impactful career.
I’ve saved one staffer’s profile for last due to some intriguing connections to Indiana, his connections to a DEA sting operation and the timing of his departure from Suriname and subsequent relocation to the Netherlands just before the uprising in Suriname. That man is Kevin J. Harris.9
In the realm of international diplomacy, Kevin J. Harris was relatively green, but his family background was deeply rooted in political power. As the newest attaché at the Surinamese embassy, his placement was as much strategic as it was symbolic. As a Foreign Service Officer Level IV (FSO IV), Kevin was tasked with managing junior staff, writing reports, and organizing meetings. He would collaborate with various groups on significant projects and, depending on his specific role, could either focus on economic and political issues or lead a team that provided assistance to citizens and managed office operations.
Kevin J. Harris was practically destined for a career in politics, being the son of Senator James Richard “Dick” Harris, an influential Indiana state senator and a Ronald Reagan appointee. Senator Harris was a key figure in shaping U.S. mining policies, actions that drew both criticism from environmentalists and accolades from local miners. During his nomination hearing, following a Wall Street Journal exposé that revealed a controversial land deal involving Senator Harris, he faced significant scrutiny. However, he wasn't left to fend for himself; two prominent Hoosiers came to his defense—his "good friend," Senator Richard G. Lugar, formerly of the Senate Committee on Intelligence, and Dan Quayle. Their staunch support was reminiscent of Indiana's own version of the ANZUS pact: when you take on one Indiana boy, you take on them all.
Kevin Harris's assignment to Suriname, a nation heavily reliant on bauxite mining, seems far from coincidental. This move appears to be a strategic continuation of his father’s legacy in an international context. Senator Harris, known for his tenure on the Senate Finance Committee and his controversial policies on mining—especially strip mining—sparked significant debate and influenced environmental policies.10 Despite the controversies, he was celebrated in his hometown of Evansville for deregulating the industry, which drastically altered the local mining landscape.
Just months before a coup and subsequent civil war broke out in Suriname, Kevin issued a diplomatic visa stamp on the passport of Captain Etienne Boerenveen, Bouterse’s second in command.11 Four days later, Boerenveen was ensnared in a Florida DEA sting operation led by an audacious agent named Kenneth Peterson, who went undercover as a cocaine smuggler. This operation was designed to infiltrate Bouterse’s burgeoning drug empire.
The State Department had been growing increasingly with Bouterse’s relationship with Muammar Gaddafi and issued a warning in January of that year.12 Fout weeks later, sting operation commenced with a crucial phone call on February 25th to Cilvion Heymans, whose son was employed by Suriname Airways in Miami. Heymans assured Peterson that the Surinamese government could secure drug-laden flights to the U.S., implying his connections to Bouterse. He arranged for Boerenveen to travel to Miami to finalize the deal. Upon their arrival, Boerenveen and another military official had their attache cases stolen from a consulate staff car in a “very professional manner.”13
After arriving at the luxurious Omni Hotel, Peterson, Boerenveen, and the Heymans discussed a deal to facilitate drug trafficking, involving the production of cocaine in a Surinamese jungle lab and its smuggling to Amsterdam in diplomatic pouches—mirroring tactics previously seen in Panama. Boerenveen proposed expanding their operations, including the establishment of a large cocaine farm and the construction of a port to import ether for drug processing, asking for $1 million just for a 20-minute airplane layover.
Their discussions continued on a yacht on Biscayne Bay, where DEA agents, having gathered sufficient evidence, arrested the trio. This arrest triggered a flurry of diplomatic disputes over Boerenveen’s claimed immunity, with Bouterse accusing the CIA of entrapment. Amidst escalating tensions and a renewed Dutch aid offer to Suriname, the saga culminated in a U.S. courtroom. Boerenveen's diplomatic immunity offered no protection; he was sentenced to 12 years in prison as a strong deterrent against drug trafficking. Concerned about potential information leaks, Bouterse allocated $600,000 for Boerenveen’s legal defense. The presiding judge made a definitive statement against using foreign territories as drug conduits into the U.S. That apparently was the job for Project Democracy.
Kevin J. Harris concluded his assignment in Suriname by mid-May 1986 and, after a brief visit home to Indiana, he traveled to Washington D.C. on June 8th for three weeks of rigorous training. Shortly thereafter, just three weeks before a planned invasion, Kevin, armed with extensive knowledge about Suriname, relocated to the Netherlands to assume his new position at the embassy. In Holland, Kevin was the youngest among five officers in the economics section. His responsibilities included managing aspects of Dutch foreign aid and he also served as a backup for the labor and narcotics coordinators. 14 His commitment and diligence were acknowledged when he received a prestigious UN Honor in September 1988, marking a significant achievement in his burgeoning diplomatic career.15
Wrapping up this chapter, we're left with a mix of answered and unanswered questions that could fuel a dozen conspiracy theories. The ties between Ambassador Barbour, the murky ANSUS/ANZUS links, and the way Dutch and American forces are pushing Bouterse towards the brink of a full-blown civil war, are all elements that add intrigue and complexity to our story. Whether Kevin Harris and Ambassador Barbour were knowingly collaborating with the CIA or if ALCOA was pulling strings from behind the curtain remains unclear. And then there's the mystery of who was the CIA station chief at that time and my mother's foggy memories of her time at the embassy—I’m still searching for answers there.
These gaps in the story aren't just frustrating; they're tantalizing clues that suggest there's more to uncover. I’m going to leave you with one last clue. Here is another document that I found, drafted by Constantine C. Menges. You may remember his earlier memo on Suriname and Project Democracy.
The document outlines a three-stage strategy:
Ensuring the far-left does not gain power by using U.S. aid strategically.
Forming a democratic opposition represented by the Council for the Liberation of Suriname to facilitate a political agreement, leading to the voluntary exile of Bouterse.
Establishing an interim government leading to democratic elections.
I want you to chew on that a little as we watch what unfolds in the upcoming chapter. Coming off the heels of an invasion of Grenada, Menges asks for an interagency group to work out a program to bring democracy back to Suriname. Plan A is to use economic incentives and a safe exile for Bouterse.
But what if Bouterse doesn’t take the deal?
Rick Sullivan and Karen Petterson, "CIA Agent Witnessed Jonestown Mass Suicide," San Mateo Times, December 14, 1979, cited in Hearings, Reports and Prints of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, United States. Congress. Senate. Select Committee on Intelligence (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1980), Exhibit C.979.
Duemling, Ambassador Robert W. “Interview with Robert W. Duemling.” The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Projec, September 11, 1989. 44. https://memory.loc.gov/service/mss/mfdip/2004/2004due01/2004due01.pdf.
“John Foster Dulles.” In Wikipedia, April 13, 2024. https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=John_Foster_Dulles&oldid=1218687907.
“TRANSMITTAL OF MATERIAL FOR MR. LOCH JOHNSON (U/AIUO) | CIA FOIA (Foia.Cia.Gov),” August 4, 1978. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP81M00980R001000050045-7.pdf.
“WEST GERMANY: DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC ISSUES | CIA FOIA (Foia.Cia.Gov).” Central Intelligence Agency, July 1, 1977. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp79b00457a000600080001-9.
United States. Congress. Senate. Select Committee on Intelligence. “Nomination as Deputy Director of Central Intelligence of Ambassador Frank C. Carlucci.” S. Rept. Executive Report. Washington D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, February 3, 1978. https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/publications/9513.pdf.
Dr. John. “Merc Rip-Off In Surinam.” Soldier of Fortune Magazine, 1984. https://archive.org/details/soldieroffortunemagazine/Soldier%20of%20Fortune%20%5B1984%2708%5D/page/n105/mode/2up
Historische Kranten, Erfgoed Leiden en Omstreken. “Leidsch Dagblad | 12 Mei 1984 | Pagina 23,” May 12, 1984. https://leiden.courant.nu/issue/LD/1984-05-12/edition/0/page/23.
Evansville Courier and Press. “Local Man Will Keeping the Peace in Sinai Desert.” July 2, 1988. https://www.newspapers.com/article/evansville-courier-and-press-local-man-w/143440338/
Evansville Courier and Press. “New Regulations Will Allow More Flexibility, Says Harris.” August 20, 1981.https://www.newspapers.com/article/evansville-courier-and-press-new-regulat/143439818/
Het Parool. “Status Helpt Niet Voor Boerenveen.” Gevonden in Delpher. Accessed April 14, 2024. //www.delpher.nl/nl/kranten/view?coll=ddd&identifier=ABCDDD:010832447:mpeg21:a0368.
Standard-Speaker. “Suriname Drug Deals Linked to Khadafy.” April 14, 1986.
Ocala Star-Banner. “Suriname Accuses U.S. Agencies in Military Drug Arrest.” March 27, 1986.
Evansville Press. “Embassy Duties Await in Holland.” June 8, 1986. https://www.newspapers.com/article/evansville-press-embassy-duties-await-in/143440771/
Evansville Courier and Press. “Evansville Soldier Shares U.N. Honor.” September 30, 1988. https://www.newspapers.com/article/evansville-courier-and-press-evansville/143440539/